Elsevier

The Lancet

Volume 355, Issue 9201, 29 January 2000, Pages 400-403
The Lancet

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Condoms and seat belts: the parallels and the lessons

https://doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(99)09109-6Get rights and content

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Seat belts—what does the evidence show?

More than 80 countries have laws that require motorists and passengers to wear seat belts. Most people believe that thousands of lives have been saved. Adams commented that “strength of convictions about what this legislation has achieved is remarkably independent of objective evidence”.1 Figure 1 shows data from the 17 countries that had 80% of the world's cars in the 1970s. Comparison of the 13 countries that passed seat-belt laws with the four countries that did not shows a large excess of

The risk compensation hypothesis

Adams has suggested that drivers who wear seat belts feel safer and drive faster or more carelessly than they would do without seat belts.7, 8 The benefits of seat belts for drivers wearing belts during serious accidents could be offset by increases in the absolute number of accidents, increases in the speed at which accidents occur, and increases in deaths among unbelted road users inside or outside cars. In the 23 months that followed the introduction of the UK seat-belt law, the number of

Condoms—seat belts for sex?

The huge increase in seat-belt use since 1970 has been paralleled by a similar trend in condom use since the rise of HIV. The benefits of condom use to individuals exposed to HIV or sexually transmitted diseases are substantial, well documented, and can be compared with the benefits of wearing a seat belt during a high-speed collision. However, it is hard to show that condom promotion has had any effect on HIV epidemics. The most well-known example is the 100% condom policy in Thailand,13 which

Other examples of risk compensation in sexual health

There is evidence to show behavioural adaptation in response to other interventions that may affect HIV transmission. Two studies have reported that gay men are less worried about HIV infection since treatments have improved, and that they are significantly more likely to report unprotected sexual exposure than in the past.19, 20 Kalichman21 reported that of 327 men surveyed at a Gay Pride festival in Atlanta in 1997, eight (3%) had already used antiretroviral post-exposure prophylaxis and 85

Can sexual risk-taking be managed effectively?

The growth of safety interventions in recent decades rests on the assumption that governments can manage risk successfully. The “success” of seat-belt legislation is held up as a prime example of what has been achieved. Research devoted to behaviour change since the advent of HIV shows a firm belief by governments that sexual health risks can and must be managed. The difficulties of implementing, evaluating, and sustaining changes in sexual behaviour have become increasingly apparent.25, 26 A

Conclusion

Seat belts have not delivered all the safety benefits that were originally expected of them. A theory of risk compensation may explain why the obvious benefits of seat belts do not necessarily translate into benefits when they are used by whole populations. If safety interventions engender compensatory changes of risk behaviour among drivers, it is highly probable that interventions to reduce sexual health risks could also change risk behaviour. There is much preliminary evidence that sexual

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  • Cited by (123)

    • Sexually transmitted infections: challenges ahead

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      All three uses of cART for HIV prevention have been accompanied by concern about their possible unintended negative consequences for sexual behaviour and STIs,422 in an analogy with earlier fears about penicillin and syphilis.8 These concerns have been framed within the risk compensation hypothesis, which was first applied to sexual behaviour to explain why increases in condom use were not reflected in reductions in HIV infection incidence.423 Risk compensation occurs when an intervention prevents an adverse outcome, paradoxically making risk-taking behaviour more attractive; compensatory increases in risky behaviours then result in a failure to reduce the adverse outcome.

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